Other neighbouring states were interested in the situation of the Principality, for their own specific reasons, to be sure. The United Provinces, for example, although possessing seaports, wanted the highway network in Liège that led toward their commercial centres and ports to be improved, but this large-scale project involving international commerce over land routes failed to materialize. Great Britain, the other maritime power, adopted a pragmatic attitude, essentially dictated by its desire to weaken the dominant influence of France along the Meuse. Two experienced British diplomats were in Liège for that purpose. From the side of the Holy Roman Empire, it was Prussia, present at Clèves and at Juliers (present-day Rhenania and North Westphalia), which had given the most evidence of bellicose intentions, and that was why the episcopacy wished to have good relations with the Prussian king, Frederick II. 
   
France was certainly part of the political landscape in Liège, almost to the point where one might have spoken of a feudal relationship. A shared language and a largely common culture explained the favourable attitude toward France that was maintained by most of the citizens of Liège. But its powerful neighbour to the south was also motivated by other factors. Liège was a gateway to the United Provinces and to northern Germany, and it occupied an economically strategic position; in respect of military operations, the city and its surrounding area was rich in arms and in potential soldiers. The Rhine itself was so near that expansionists might see it as an ultimate natural boundary for France. These factors were the motivation for the existence of a powerful party in Liège that favoured the French, which was visible within the Chapitre and strengthened by grants of pensions. Since the end of the 17th century a French representative had been accredited to the court of the Prince-Bishop, as was not the case for every European Court of the time. No surprise, then, if Versailles’ candidate, Jean-Théodore de Bavière, was finally chosen by electors to lead the Principality; the lobbying campaign in his favour was intense.       

The suffering caused by war

Liège wanted to feel protected from the conflicts engaged in by the Powers on her doorstep. And so the Principality opted for a neutrality that was both disarmed and permeable. Therefore Liège had no army for the Prince to use in order to dominate the country, or to repress an uprising. “Permeability” meant that foreign troops had what amounted to a right to pass through the Principality. However, in bad weather these military units did not pass through Liège directly but stayed over, raiding local people in order to find food, and committing several kinds of crimes against inhabitants. Jean-Théodore de Bavière put up signs saying “Liège, Neutral Territory” around his border crossings, but this had no effect. The Principality was not only an open route, but an extended stop for French, Austrian, Dutch and other armies. Naturally, the neutrality of Liège was violated from the outset. Maximilien-Henri, count of Horion, canon of Saint-Lambert and prime minister of the Prince-Bishop said: “This is beyond all imagination. It will take years to repair the damage to this country”.