Participatory approaches relate to qualitative data collection methods, which aren’t based on the mass of information to be collected (compared with quantitative methods such as the various types of surveys) but on their diversity and their comprehensive character of the world surrounding us. “This book aims to show how we can use participation to produce knowledge in different contexts and for different themes”, Sébastien Brunet explains.

Double facetted

It is also a delicate technique because it potentially has two facets. The first one meets a scientific aim, the production of knowledge, while the second one can have a political reach by providing decision-makers with a precious decision-making support tool. “This ambivalence, this double purpose is sometimes difficult to understand, given that research questions may have a political reach and that the participatory approaches are used for the purpose of legitimising political action."

While participatory methods – in one form or another – have always existed, they have nonetheless been deployed over the past 30 years in the field of political science, first at the instigation of philosophers who saw in deliberative experiences a way to give a new boost to Western representative democracies, then thanks to researchers who wanted to empirically verify their supposed theoretical benefits. Many initiatives have thus seen the light of day such as participatory budgets, generally proposed by local councillors who want to integrate citizens into the decision-making processes by allowing them to express their opinions regarding the allocation of sums to which they have directly contributed by paying taxes. A practice that appeared in the 1980s, and spread to 250 places worldwide.

Deliberative polls also increased, since traditional polls didn’t truly reflect the voice of the people because they measured uninformed opinions. For observers, some opinions could be prompted by the exercise but wouldn’t exist as such.  In an effort to meet these criticisms, alternatives were developed, such as deliberative polls in the 1990s. These aim to fill these gaps, by bringing together a representative sample of citizens and by first having a baseline poll, then repeating the manoeuvre after a weekend of information. Findings: the results obtained vary significantly.

Citizens’ juries and conferences, which appeared in the 1980s, also aimed to gather a well-informed opinion. The 'jury’ is comprised of participants selected at random regarding a theme in order to elaborate a series of recommendations at the end of several days of information and discussions. This principle was tested by Meeting of Minds, as well as G1000, an initiative organised by the Foundation for Future Generations, which brought together 704 randomly chosen citizens in November 2011, to discuss and formulate proposals relating to social security, well-being in times of financial crisis and immigration. This gathering led to a list of priorities that was transformed into a list of proposed reforms, which were given to the authorities following the work of a G32, i.e. a restricted panel of 32 people.

Reducing the democratic deficit

Whatever the form of the participatory experience, they all aim to involve citizens more. But the participatory methods can be aimed at objectives and involve very different realities depending on the way in which they are linked to the decision-making process in which they are involved.  Thus, participation may be mobilised beforehand to put themes or issues, which are a subject of concern for citizens, on the political agenda. It might also be a question of collecting information, opinions on precise subjects, in order to provide material for the debate. Participation can also be used to lead participants to express their priorities based upon a range of proposals or have them take part directly in the decision-making as is the case in a referendum, for instance. Finally, citizens can be invited to participate in the implementation and even the assessment of decisions through ad hoc participatory mechanisms.

The red thread running through all the participatory methods, whatever they may be and whatever their aim, continues to reduce the gap between citizens and politicians. In other words, to cushion the democratic deficit, caused by the fact that a fictitious body called 'the people’ entrusts its voice to political representatives who ultimately monopolise it, sometimes at the risk of drifting away from it. For Sébastien Brunet, participation also allows citizens to “shed their individualistic torpor into which our delegative societies irremediably plunge them and in which they revel. Because participating in the construction of a group is a proactive, costly, risky and uncertain approach for the individual”.